An attempted coup is an organized effort to seize or displace a government’s authority through illegal or extralegal means that ultimately fails. The phrase has no standalone definition in U.S. criminal law, but it overlaps with prosecutable offenses like insurrection, rebellion, and seditious conspiracy, and in recent years it has been applied to events ranging from the January 6, 2021 assault on the U.S. Capitol to military takeovers in West Africa, a parliamentary siege in Brazil, and a mass arrest of lawmakers in Turkey.
What Counts as an Attempted Coup
The Cline Center for Advanced Social Research at the University of Illinois maintains one of the most widely cited academic frameworks for identifying coups. It defines a coup d’état as an “organized effort to effect sudden and irregular (e.g., illegal or extra-legal) removal of the incumbent executive authority of a national government, or to displace the authority of the highest levels of one or more branches of government.”1Cline Center for Advanced Social Research. Coup D’état Project Statement
To qualify under that framework, an event has to meet five criteria. Someone must initiate it. It must target leaders with meaningful control over national policy. There must be a credible threat to those leaders’ hold on power. The means used must be illegal or irregular. And the effort must be organized rather than spontaneous. A spontaneous riot is not a coup, no matter how violent.
Within that definition, scholars distinguish several types. A dissident coup is initiated by non-state actors outside the formal government structure. An auto-coup, sometimes called a self-coup or autogolpe, occurs when a sitting head of state uses illegal means to seize the powers of other branches or claim extraordinary authority. A military coup involves the armed forces acting against civilian leadership. One event can fall into more than one category at once.
“Attempted” simply means the effort failed. The attempt still happened, with real planning, participants, and consequences; it just did not achieve its objective of displacing authority.
How It Differs From Insurrection, Sedition, and Rebellion
In ordinary conversation these terms get used interchangeably. They are not interchangeable in law.
“Coup d’état” is a political-science concept. No U.S. criminal statute uses the phrase or attaches penalties to it. “Insurrection” and “rebellion,” by contrast, are federal crimes under 18 U.S.C. § 2383, which prohibits inciting, assisting, or engaging in any rebellion or insurrection against the authority of the United States. Conviction carries up to ten years in prison and a permanent bar on holding federal office.2Cornell Law Institute. 18 U.S. Code § 2383 – Rebellion or Insurrection
Seditious conspiracy, under 18 U.S.C. § 2384, reaches two or more people who conspire to overthrow the U.S. government or to prevent, hinder, or delay the execution of federal law by force. It carries a maximum sentence of 20 years.3CNN. Insurrection, Sedition, Coup: The Legal Terms Explained Because it requires proving an organized plot against the government itself, it has historically been difficult to charge and rarely used.
An insurrection can be a piece of a coup, but not every insurrection is one. A coup implies an organized effort to actually seize or displace governing authority. An insurrection can be a broader revolt against civil authority without the specific aim of replacing it.4Politico. Expert Roundtable on January 6 and Authoritarianism
January 6, 2021 and the Classification Debate
The storming of the U.S. Capitol on January 6, 2021, while Congress was certifying the 2020 presidential election, became the most high-profile event classified as an attempted coup in modern American history. The Cline Center categorized it two ways at once: as an attempted dissident coup, initiated by organized civilians who planned to usurp congressional authority, and as an attempted auto-coup, based on evidence that President Donald Trump was “actively involved in attempting to displace the authority of the legislative branch.”1Cline Center for Advanced Social Research. Coup D’état Project Statement
Not every scholar agreed with the coup label. Ruth Ben-Ghiat, a historian of authoritarianism at New York University, described it as a self-coup involving political elites and decentralized militia movements. Matt Cleary, a political scientist at Syracuse University, rejected the coup label, arguing the classic definition requires participation by state security forces like the military or police; he preferred “insurrection.”4Politico. Expert Roundtable on January 6 and Authoritarianism
The Cato Institute, a libertarian think tank, argued that the entire effort to overturn the 2020 election constituted an attempted coup, not merely the riot itself. The institute characterized it as an auto-coup in which the sitting head of state led an effort against the existing constitutional order, pointing to Trump’s attempts to pressure the Department of Justice, the Department of Defense, and the Department of Homeland Security to intervene, along with legislative maneuvering by members of Congress who objected to the electoral count. The refusal of government agencies and military officials to follow those orders, Cato argued, were “hallmarks of a failed coup—not proof that no coup was attempted.”5Cato Institute. Yes, It Was an Attempted Coup
Federal Charges, Convictions, and Pardons
On August 1, 2023, a federal grand jury in Washington, D.C., indicted Donald Trump on four felony counts: conspiracy to defraud the United States, conspiracy to obstruct an official proceeding, obstruction of and attempt to obstruct an official proceeding, and conspiracy against rights.6Justia. Trump v. United States Special Counsel Jack Smith brought the case, which centered on the alleged scheme to overturn the 2020 election.
The Supreme Court’s July 2024 ruling in Trump v. United States reshaped the prosecution. The Court held that former presidents enjoy absolute immunity for actions within their core constitutional authority and presumptive immunity for other official acts, though not for unofficial conduct.6Justia. Trump v. United States After Trump won the November 2024 election, the Special Counsel moved on November 25, 2024 to dismiss the case, citing the longstanding Department of Justice policy that a sitting president cannot be federally indicted.7U.S. Department of Justice. Report of Special Counsel Smith, Volume 1
Separately, the Department of Justice charged 18 individuals connected to January 6 with seditious conspiracy. Ten were convicted at trial, four pleaded guilty, and four were acquitted of the conspiracy charge but convicted of other offenses.8The Conversation. What Is Seditious Conspiracy Oath Keepers founder Stewart Rhodes was sentenced to 18 years and former Proud Boys national chairman Enrique Tarrio to 22 years.9PBS NewsHour. Trump’s January 6 Clemency Releases Former Proud Boys Leader, Oath Keepers Founder Over 1,200 people were convicted of crimes related to the Capitol breach in the four years after the attack.
On January 20, 2025, President Trump issued a sweeping clemency order covering nearly 1,600 individuals charged in connection with January 6. The order granted “full, complete and unconditional” pardons to most defendants, commuted the sentences of 14 Proud Boys and Oath Keepers leaders to time served, and directed the Attorney General to dismiss all remaining pending indictments with prejudice.10The White House. Granting Pardons and Commutation of Sentences for Certain Offenses Relating to January 6, 2021 The pardons extended to individuals convicted of violently assaulting police officers.11NPR. Donald Trump January 6 Pardons
In April 2026, the Department of Justice asked the U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit to vacate the seditious conspiracy convictions of 12 Proud Boys and Oath Keepers members whose sentences had already been commuted, citing “prosecutorial discretion” and the “interests of justice.” Former Metropolitan Police Officer Michael Fanone said the defendants “were traitors to this country” who “planned, incited and carried out an insurrection.”12NPR. Justice Department Moves to Toss Seditious Conspiracy Convictions As of mid-2026, the appellate court had not ruled on the motion.
The state-level election interference case in Fulton County, Georgia was dismissed on November 26, 2025. Prosecutor Peter Skandalakis, who took over after District Attorney Fani Willis was disqualified, argued there was “no realistic prospect” of bringing a sitting president to trial in Georgia and that evidence regarding Trump’s intent was subject to “multiple interpretations.” Judge Scott McAfee ordered the case dismissed in its entirety.13Georgia Recorder. Fulton County Election Interference Case Against Trump and His Allies Is Dismissed14BBC News. Georgia Election Interference Case Dismissed
The 14th Amendment Disqualification Question
Section 3 of the 14th Amendment bars individuals who swore an oath to support the Constitution and then “engaged in insurrection or rebellion” from holding public office. The provision was originally aimed at former Confederates. After January 6, several legal challenges invoked it against Trump. In 2023, the Colorado Supreme Court ruled that Trump was disqualified and ordered him removed from the state’s 2024 presidential primary ballot.15Cornell Law Institute. Trump v. Anderson and Enforcement of the Insurrection Clause
The U.S. Supreme Court reversed in Trump v. Anderson on March 4, 2024. All nine justices agreed that states lack the power to enforce Section 3 against federal officeholders and candidates, particularly for the presidency. The majority went further, holding that only Congress, acting through legislation under Section 5 of the 14th Amendment, can enforce the disqualification clause against federal officeholders.16U.S. Supreme Court. Trump v. Anderson, Per Curiam Opinion
Justices Sotomayor, Kagan, and Jackson concurred in the result but objected that the majority had “decided momentous and difficult issues unnecessarily.” They argued that requiring specific congressional legislation effectively allowed a simple majority in Congress to “nullify Section 3’s operation,” even though the amendment itself requires a two-thirds vote to remove the disqualification.17Justia. Trump v. Anderson, Concurrences Justice Barrett concurred separately, urging the Court to “turn the national temperature down.”
The Electoral Count Reform Act
One concrete legislative response was the Electoral Count Reform Act, signed into law in December 2022. It eliminated a provision that had allowed state legislatures to appoint electors after Election Day if an election “failed,” closing a loophole that could have enabled legislators to override voters. It also explicitly defined the Vice President’s role in counting electoral votes as purely “ministerial,” with no power to accept, reject, or adjudicate disputes over electoral slates.18Protect Democracy. Understanding the Electoral Count Reform Act of 2022
The law raised the threshold for congressional objections to an electoral slate from a single member of each chamber to one-fifth of the members of both the House and Senate, narrowed the permissible grounds for objection, and created an expedited judicial review process for disputes over state certification of electoral results.
Recent Attempted Coups Around the World
Turkey, 2016
On July 15, 2016, a faction of the Turkish military identifying itself as the “Peace at Home Council” attempted to overthrow President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. The plotters, reportedly including 143 generals and admirals, launched the operation early after Turkey’s intelligence service discovered the plan. The insurrection was suppressed within roughly 18 hours, at a cost of more than 240 lives and over 2,100 injuries.19U.S. Department of State. 2016 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices: Turkey
The government blamed the attempt on followers of cleric Fethullah Gülen and responded with sweeping arrests under a state of emergency. More than 75,000 people were detained and over 41,000 formally arrested in the three months after the attempt. Roughly 22 percent of the judiciary was suspended or fired. Authorities shut down 934 schools, 15 universities, 45 newspapers, and 16 television channels.20Middle East Institute. Unpacking Turkey’s Failed Coup: Causes and Consequences
Bolivia, 2019
The contested October 2019 Bolivian election produced one of the most divisive debates over what qualifies as a coup. After a preliminary vote count was suspended for 24 hours and then resumed showing a narrow win for President Evo Morales, the Organization of American States audited the result and found “fraudulent manipulation,” including forged tally sheets and data redirected to secret servers.21Organization of American States. OAS Press Release on Bolivia Electoral Audit On November 10, 2019, after the chief of the armed forces urged him to resign, Morales stepped down and left the country, calling his removal a coup.22BBC News. Bolivia Crisis: Morales Urges Return to Peace A subsequent New York Times investigation found that the OAS’s statistical analysis was “flawed,” casting doubt on the narrative that had precipitated the ouster.23The New York Times. Bolivia Election Analysis At least 30 people died in violence associated with the election and its aftermath.
Brazil, 2023
On January 8, 2023, supporters of former President Jair Bolsonaro stormed the Brazilian Congress, Supreme Court, and Presidential Palace in Brasília. Federal police linked the assault to a broader alleged plot to overturn the 2022 election and prevent the inauguration of President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, including alleged plans to assassinate Lula, the Vice President, and a Supreme Court justice.24The Conversation. Bolsonaro’s Indictment Over Alleged Coup Plot
Brazil’s attorney general charged Bolsonaro and 33 others with attempted coup d’état, violent abolition of the democratic rule of law, and criminal organization. If convicted, Bolsonaro could face 38 to 43 years in prison. Brazil’s Supreme Court has convicted over 800 participants, and all convicted individuals are barred from holding public office for eight years.25Agência Brasil. Brazil’s Supreme Court Convicts Over 800 Coup Plot Cases Bolsonaro denies the charges, calling the proceedings “political persecution.”26BBC News. Bolsonaro Trial Begins
Spain, 1981
Spain’s 1981 attempted coup, known as 23-F, is often cited as a case study in how even a bungled attempt is still a genuine coup. On February 23, 1981, Lieutenant Colonel Antonio Tejero and over 150 civil guardsmen stormed the Spanish Parliament, firing at the ceiling as lawmakers debated. The plotters held the building for 17 hours before surrendering after King Juan Carlos I broadcast a message condemning the effort.27The New York Times. Spain Coup 1981 Files Revealed In 2026, the Spanish government declassified 153 documents from the state investigation, including transcripts of the King ordering the conspirators to “pull the plug.”28El País. 45 Years After Spain’s Failed Coup, Reasonable Doubts Linger
West Africa’s Coup Wave
Between 2020 and 2023, a wave of military takeovers swept through West and Central Africa. Mali experienced coups in August 2020 and May 2021. Burkina Faso saw coups in January and September 2022. Guinea’s military overthrew President Alpha Condé in September 2021. Niger’s military seized power in July 2023. Gabon’s military removed President Ali Bongo after disputed elections in August 2023.29Georgetown Journal of International Affairs. Understanding Africa’s Coups
These coups shared common drivers: deepening jihadist insurgencies, state weakness, lack of democratic legitimacy, and soldier grievances. Most of the juntas promised transitions to civilian rule but instead consolidated power. Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso withdrew from the regional bloc ECOWAS in January 2024. Violence against civilians escalated after the coups: in Mali, state forces killed 269 civilians in 2020, rising to 910 in 2022.30OECD. Military Coups, Jihadism and Insecurity in the Central Sahel
Not every recent takeover failed. Myanmar’s military succeeded on February 1, 2021 in seizing power from the elected government, detaining State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi and President Win Myint, and the country has since collapsed into civil war with roughly 5.2 million displaced.31United Nations News. Myanmar: Five Years After Military Coup Sudan’s October 2021 coup, in which Lieutenant General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan dissolved the civilian-military transitional government, was followed in April 2023 by a power struggle between the Sudanese Armed Forces and the Rapid Support Forces that erupted into a civil war now in its fourth year, with as many as 400,000 people estimated killed.32Council on Foreign Relations. Power Struggle in Sudan These are reference points for what a successful coup can produce, not attempted coups themselves.
What the Research Says About Outcomes
Research published in the British Journal of Political Science found a pronounced decline in the total number of coups globally since the end of the Cold War, along with a shift in what happens after them. Before 1991, the vast majority of successful coups installed durable authoritarian regimes. After 1991, the majority have been followed by competitive elections, a change the researchers attributed to international pressure, particularly from Western aid donors.33Cambridge University Press. Coups and Democracy
Later research covering 1950 to 2019 added a qualification. The post-coup trajectory depends heavily on whether the public mobilizes. When coups occur alongside popular protests, democratic reform is significantly more likely. Without popular mobilization, successful coups tend to produce increased autocracy and repression. The study also found that roughly one in three leaders who lose power through a coup are imprisoned or killed within a year, compared to about one in fifty who lose power through elections.34Political Violence at a Glance. Popular Mobilization Makes Democracy More Likely After a Coup